\roc«ediTi6s ^f the CoTwentioTi 
whicli fotyneA the. Mains- Llnlon 
\Ti behalf of Che colored race. 
Tortlani. 1^35. 



Mm 



J *.- 



PROCEEDTxNGS 



OF THE CONVENTION WHICH FORMED THE 



MAINE UNION 



II¥ BEHAL.F OF THE €OL.OREl> RACE. 



WITH THE 



ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 



TO THE PUBLIC, 




PORTLAND: 

MERRILL A.NO BTRAM> 

1835. 



¥ 



V 









Oo 

^ 



> 



PROCEEDINGS. 



Incompliance with a notice published in the Christian Mirror, gen- 
tlemen from various sections of the Slate assembled in the City Hall at 
Portland, on Wednesday the 16th day of September, 1835, at 11 o'clock, 
A. M. to consider the expediency of forming an Association for the ben- 
efit of the Colored Race. 

The meetintr was called to order by Jacob McGaw, of Bangror ; Wil- 
liam Ladd, of Minot, was chosen Moderator ; and Edward F. Cutter, of 
Warren, Secretary pro. temp. 

The call for the Convention was then read by the Moderator, with 
some remarks, defininor the object of the meeting and the qualifications 
of members. After which the names of those, who desired to be con- 
sidered members of the Convention, were called for ; when it appeared 
that 74 gentlemen, entitled to seats in the Convention, were present, 
whose names and residence are as follows : 

Miia—Enos Merrill; Bangor— WWVmm Mann, George A. Thatcher, 
Cyrus Hamlin, Joseph Chapman, Jacob McGaw ; Btlfast — Bailey Pierce, 
Silas McKeen, Charles Goodwin ; Biddeford —Stephen Morse, Stephen 
Merrill; Boothbay—H. A. Merrill; Brunswick— Joseph McKeen, Lew- 
is Pennell, George p]arle ; Camden — N. Chapman; Cape Elisabeth — J. 
G.Merrill ; Connecticut — Selden Huntington ; Cumberland — Isaac Wes- 
ton ; Danville — Edward Little, Weston B. Adams; £//iof— El isha Ba- 
con ; Falmouth— Joseph B. Stevens, William Crabtree, Oliver Knight ; 
Gor/i«m— Dudley Folsom, ThaHdeus Pomeroy ; Gray — Calvin White; 
Guilford— Jas. D. Philbrick; //aZ/ou-eZ/— EliphaletGiliett ; Kennehink- 
port — Levi Smith; Limerick — Charles Freeman; Limington — Ivory 
Kimball ; Z,ore/Z— David Gerry ; Minot— Y,. Jones, Wm. Ladd ; .Veu* 
Castle— J oihtxm Sewall,jr. ; JVew Gloucester — William Bradbury, Benj. 
Rice ; JWjf'^f/c;— David P. Smith ; JVorth Yarmouth— D^wA Shepley, Ca- 
leb Hobart, Jacob Mitchell; JVorlhampton, jl/crss.— Samuel Hopkins; 
Orono — Nathaniel Wilson, Joseph B. Chase, John A. Mayhew ; Par- 
sonsJield—C J. Parsons ; Portland— John How, W. W. Woodbury, Mo- 
ses G. Dow, James Appleton, Woodbury Storer, Erastus Hayes, George 
Purington, Joseph Vaill, Timothy Barlow, Sewall Tenney, AHordfRich- 
ardson, A. Cummings, Charles Baker, Elias Banks ; Poland — John Cou- 
sins ; Sanford—Stimiie] H. Merrill ; Saccarappa — Joseph Searle ; Scar- 
borough — Thomas Jameson ; Standish — Thomas Tenney ; Turner — Al- 
len Greely ; Washinslon — R. R. Gurley ; Warren — Edward F. Cutter; 
Wnldohoro'—D. M. Mitchell ; Waterford—\Y\\V\&m Warren ; Westbrook 
— Daniel Goodwin jr. ; Welti — David Oliphant. 

A Committee of three, viz. Messrs. Vaill and Cummings, of Portland,, 
and McGaw of Bani^or, was chosen to nominate officers for the Conven-' 
tion, who made the following nominations, which were accepted. 

William Ladd, President. 

Alford Richardson, Wm. Bradbury, Vice Presidents. 

W. W. Woodbury, Edward F. Cutter, Secrelariet. 



The divine blessinof and direction was sought in prayer by Rev. Mr. 
Weston of Cumberland. 

Voted, That a Committee of Overtures be appointed, with power to 
add to their number if deemed expedient, to consider what subjects may 
come before the Convention. 

Messrs. Joseph jMcKeen, Silas McKeen, and Enos Merrill, were ap- 
pointed said Committee. 

Voted, That a committee be appointed to prepare a Constitution for 
the Convention, provided it be deemed expedient to form a society for 
the relief and improvement of the colored race. 

Messrs. William Ladd, Jacob McGaw, George A. Thatcher, Joseph 
Vaill, and Silas McKeen, were appointed said Committee. 

A motion was then made. That this Convention deem it expedient 
to form a society in this State for the benefit of the colored race, — which, 
after remarks by several members of the Convention, was postponed for 
further consideration. 

The Committee of Overtures reported a resolution to appoint a Com- 
mittee to prepare resolutions for the consideration of the Convention. — 
The resolution having been adopted, Messrs. Cnmmings, Oliphant, 
Mitchell, Wilson, and Bradbury were chosen said Committee. 

Voted, When this Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet at the Ves- 
try of the 2d Church, Adjourned to 3 o'clock P. M. 

Afternoon. Convention met according to adjournment. The throne 
of grace was addressed in prayer by Rev. Mr. Pomeroy of Gorham. 

Voted, That the question in relation to the expediency of orn^anizing 
a Society for the benefit of the colored race be referred to the Commit- 
tee appointed to draft a Constitution : which reported that it is expedient 
to form such an association. 

The report was laid upon the table, while the Report of the Commit- 
tee appointed to draft a constitution was read. 

The draft of a Constitution having been read, was laid on the table, 
and the Report of the Committee appointed to prepare resolutions for 
the consideration of the Convention was called for. 
;' The Committee accordingly reportedthe following resolutions, which, 
after a free discussion, were adopted. 

Resolved, That this Convention respond to the sentiment recently expres- 
sed by a large meeting in this city, as also by similar meetings in other pla- 
ces, that "slavery is a moral and political evil ;" and that tlie right to dis- 
cuss this or any other subject is a constitutional right, common to all the cit- 
izens ofthe United States. 

Resolved, That we recognize the obligation of our Saviour's universal law 
of love, which requires us to do to others, ;>s vi'e would that others should do 
unto us ; and that masters, equally with slaves, are entitled to the benefit 
of tlie law in all movements relating to emancipation. 

Resolved, That we utterly disclaim all right to interfere with the legal 
relation of master and slave, in any way, except by the exercise of a kind 
moral influence, and in obedience to that precept of our religion, which re- 
quires us to do good to all men, as we have opportunity. 

Resolved, That the elevation of people of color in intelligence and moral 
worth, would have a most auspicious influence on emancipation; and that 
it is the duty ofthe community to adopt efficient measures to reform and 
elevate the colored race. 

Resolved, That we will hold ourselves in readiness to co-operate with our 
Southern brethren in sustaining missionaries and teachers, selected by them- 
■elves, to preach the Gospel to their slaves. 

Resolved, That this Convention tender their sympathies, prayers and ef- 
fort* to any Society, formed on slave-ground, for the instruction of alavei 



Resolved, Tliat, while the eternal principlea of righleousneaa are nerer t« 
he coinpromitted, an anirry, or supercilious, or censorious manner of en- 
forcincr tiiein, is an obstacle to their admission by those who need correction, 
and prevents their desired practical influence. 

I\csolvc(l,T\mt the recent unnatural excitement, alledgjed to have grown 
out of the discussion of slavery, nnd the consequent deeds of violence and 
blood, the frequency of mobs, and the unwarrantable interference with the 
use of the United States mail, to which all our citizens are alike entitled by 
law, are ffreatlv to be deplored and disapproved ; and it is obliu-atory on all 
good citizens, by kind and conciliatory language and spirit, to do all they 
can to allay excitement. 

Voted, that when this Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet at this 
place, at 7 o'clock this cvemns:-— -^'(joiinied. 

Evening. Convention met accordinuf to adjournment. The meet- 
insrwas opened with prayer by Rev. Mr. Greely of Turner. 

The question in respect to tiie e.\pediency of formmnr a Society was 
called up, and, after a protracted discussion, it was voted that it is expe- 
dient to form an Association for the improvement of the colored race. 

Voted, That when this Ccmvention adjourn, it adjourn to meet at this 
place to-morrow morning- at 8 o'clock. Closed with prayer by Dr. Gil- 
let. — Adjourned. 

Thursday Morning, Sept. 17. Convention met accordinjr to ad- 
journment. Prayer w;i3 offered by Mr. McKeen of Belfast. The Re- 
port of the Comniittep, appointed to draft a Constitution Mas called up, 
and rea/1, when it was voted, That the Report be accepted. 

The Preamble havinof been read, it was committed to a Committee of 
five for revision. JNIessrs. Gillet, Sewall Tenney, Shepley, Bradbury 
nnd McGaw, were appointed on that Committee. 

The Committee liavinof withdrawn, it was voted to proceed to the 
consideration of the articles of the Constitution, which were subsequently 
adopted. 

Votr.d, That a committee of throe be appointed to nominate officers of 
the Society. E. F. Cutter, E. .Tones and S. McKeen, were appointed 
said C<immittep.— .l//o);i-;ir,7/i7/ ]•> o\-lork. J\I. 

Noon. Convention met nccordingr to adjournment. The Committee 
to whom was referred tiie Preambl«\ presented a Report, containingf a 
Preandili" nnd an exnosition of principles,tobe affixed to the Constitution. 

V<di'd, That the Preamble bo adopted. 

Voted, That the Preamble and Constitvition be adopted. 

The Resolutions prepared by the Committee as embodying the prin- 
ciples of this Association on the subject of slavery, were considered, and 
after discussion were postponerl to the afternoon. 

Voted, To adjourn to two o'clock, P. M. 

Aftfrnoon. Convention met accordinnr to adjournment. Prayer 
was off>^red by Rev. Dr. Coorswell, of Boston. The discussion of the 
Resolutions was recommenced, and they were finallv adopted. 

The Committee ol nomination reported a list of Officers, who were 
chosen. 

Voted, That the Ejc'cntive Committee have power to fill all vacancies. 

Fo/(?('/, That a publishin<r Committee be appointed to publish an ac- 
count of the proceedinirs of the Convention, and the Constitution of the 
Society in the Christian Mirror, and also in a pamphlet form fur the use 
of members. 

Messrs. Cumminjfs and Vaill were appointed said Committee, 

Voted, That the Publishing Committee be empowerecj to make the 
aecassary verbal corrections in the drafts of Resolutions, 



Voted, That the Publishing Committee be instructed to publish 1950 
copies of procedings and Constitution. 

Prayer was offered by Rev. Mr. Jones of Minot. — Adjourned without 
day. WM. LADD, President. 

Edward F. Cuttkr, ? c-g.,..,™,-.. 
W. W. Woodbury, S '^«<^'"«"^*' 

CONSTITUTION OF THE MAINE UNION IN BEHALF OF THE 
COLORED RACE. 
Deeply affected wiih the situation of the Colored Race, and desirous of 
elevating their character and inelioratinir their condition, we do hereby form 
ourselves into an association, and adopt the Ibllowing 

CONSTITUTION. 

Art. I. This society shall be called tlie Maine Vnionin behalf of the Col- 
ored Rare. 

Art. 11. The object of this society shall be the improvement of the col- 
ored people in knowk^dgre and piety, and the final extinction of slavery, aa 
soon as it can be dntie with tlie free will and consent of the slaveholder. 

Art. III. Evpry person who shall sio-n this constitution, and shall pay 
into the treasury not less than one dollar annually, shall be a member of 
this society. 

Art. IV. The funds of this society shall be expended in the acquisition 
and diffusion of information concerning the condition of the colored race, in 
their religious instruction, and schools for their benefit, and in such other 
means of iniproviniv tlieir condiiion as providence may, from time to time, 
place within our reach. 

Art. V. The officers of this society shall consist of a President, ten 
Vice Presidents. Treasurer, a Rccordinor :ind a Correspondinir Secretary, all 
of whom shall be annually chosen by ballot: and shall perforin the duties 
generallv expected of similar officers in other societies. 

Art. VI. There shall he, annually, chosen an Executive Committee of 
seven members, who shall have power to add to their number, who shall 
choose their own chairman, convene their own meetinirs, when any three 
of them shall think proper, appoint agents and transact the business of the 
soriety. 

Art. VII. There sliall be an annual meeting of the society for the trans- 
action of business and the election of officers, the time and place of which 
shall be appointed by the executive committee. 

Art VI 1 1. At any such annual meeting tliis constitution may be amen- 
ded, provided the executive committee shall previously approve of the amend- 
ment proposed, and a majority of the members present shall vote for it; or 
if such amendment be proposed at one annual meeting and adopted at the 
next annual meeting, by a majority of tvi'o thirds. 

The following declaration contains a summary exposition of the views of 
the society on the subject of slavery : 

1. We disclaim anv interference with any association formed professedly 
for the benefit of the colored race, acknowledging the justice and humai.ity 
of their intentions, and wishini;- them "Godspeed," so far as they follow 
the dictates of a pure and enlightened Christianity, and no further. 

2. We consider the doctrine, that man has a moral right to hold man as 
an article of property, inconsistent with the spirit of the gospel, and that 
slavery ought, in every case, to cease, as soon as it can, consistently with 
the benefit of the slave and the safety of the master. 

3. We think that all the friends of our country ought to take a deep in- 
terest in the free people of color, and endeavor to alleviate their sufferings, 
to elevate their character, and to prepare them for all the rights and privi- 
leges of citizens and Chiistians, and that the same offices of benevolence 
should be shown to the enslaved, as far as can be done with the consent of 
their masters. 



4. We think, that all endeavors for the abolition of alavery siiuuld bo direct' 
ed solely to the master ; and while, speaking tlie truth in love, and waiving all 
motives addressed to his temporal fears, we would endeavor to draw him by 
the bands ot affection, we should also do all in our power to alleviate the eviui 
which are likely to flow from slavery, both to the master and the slave. 

5. We regard it to be the duty of the slave, as inculcated by the benign 
principles of our holy religion, to be obedient to his master, to seek his in- 
terest, and quietly to submit to his condition, until relieved by the operation 
ot Christian principles. 

6. While we consider slavery among us, in principle, opposed to our holy 
religion, we wish to entertain kind feelings towards those of our southern 
brethren who yet hold slaves, considering that we of the North were also 
guilty of bringing that curse on our country, and if we now differ from them, 
it ie more owing to circumstances, than to any superior piety and humanity 
ot our own. 

7. Under these circumstances, we hold it to be the duty of the North to 
bear a proportionate part of the loss, or supposed loss which slave-holders 
may incur, by liberating their slaves ; and we are willing, that the gov- 
ernment should pledge the avails of the public lands, the surplus revenue de- 
rived from commerce or from any other source, to form a fund, to be devoted 
to the extinction of slavery. 

8. We disclaim all right of legal interference, by the government of the 
United States, with slavery in the southern states, without the consent of 
th«ir legislatures. 

OFFICERS. 

William Ladd, Minot, President. 
Charles Freeman, York County "^ 
Alford Richardson, Cumberland" ( 
Oxford " I 

Lincoln " | 
Bailet Pierce, Waldo " ! 

Kennebec " f jr- » • . . 
Jacob McGaw, Penobscot " | ^'" Presidents, 

Somerset " | 

Hancock " | 

Washington " j 
Benj. Tappan Augusta, Corresponding Secretary. 
William Cutter, Portland, Recording Secretary. 
Erastus Hayes, " Treasurer. 

Jos. Vaill, Portland, '^ 

J. W. Ellingwood, Bath, | 

Benj. Tappan, Augusta, | 

J. W. Chickering, Portland, \ Executivt CommHt«$. 
WooDBDRT Stoker, " 1 

James Crosby, Bangor, 
William Cotter, Portland, 



8 

OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE PUBLIC. 

The Constitution of the Maine Union in behalf of the colored 
race, accompanied by a declaration of sentiments and by certain 
resolutions of the Convention, by which that Constitution was 
adopted, is already before the public. A more copious exposition, 
however, of the views and aims of the Union may be expected; 
and such an exposition the Executive Committee have considered 
it their duty to prepare and publish. 

That persons, who reverence the authority of God, and who 
desire, in obedience to His command, to alleviate the sufferings 
and promote the happiness of their fellow men, should be disposed 
to unite their sympathies, prayers and efforts in behalf of the 
colored race, can not be to any one a subject of surprise. For 
who knows not that they are preeminently, and almost without 
exception, a degraded, oppressed, afflicted race — and therefore 
preeminently entitled to our kind remembrance? 

In our own country are four hundred thousand of this race, 
who, although free, are yet to a very great extent, cut off from 
those means of instruction and improvement, which the whites 
enjoy. We consider it our duty to take a deep interest in them, 
"and to endeavor to alleviate their sufferings, to elevate their 
character, and to prepare them for" the full enjoyment of "all the 
rights and privileges of citizens and Christians." We do not be- 
lieve, that the obstacles to their elevation from their present ig- 
norance and debasement are insuperable. We believe that they 
will yield, one after another, to persevering effort, undertaken 
and prosecuted with a Christian spirit ; and we would seek their 
"improvement in knowledge and piety" by all lawful, practicable 
means — particularly by giving; them "religious instruction," by 
aiding in the establishment and support of "schools for their ben- 
efit," by encouraging among them habits of regular industry, by 
giving them opportunities of learning and practising respectable, 
lucrative trades, by promoting among them a just self-respect, a 
taste for reading, a desire of improvement — and by laboring to 
remove from the community that contempt of "a skin, not color- 
ed like our own," which too often leads, even in New England, 
to the unkind treatment of people of color, and which has very 
extensively denied them a fair opportunity of improving their con- 
dition. We have not fully digested and matured a system of 
measures for their benefit : but we are collecting data with a view 
to such a result, and hold ourselves in readiness to use all "such 
means as Providence may, from time to time, place within our 
reach." 

It is gratifying to learn that an interest has been extensively 
awakened in the southern country for the religious instruction of 
the slaves; that there is a growing conviction of duty on this sub- 
ject; and that the disposition is becoming more and more preya- 



9 

lent to give to religious teachers of suitable qualifications free 
access to the colored population. We rejoice in the belief, that 
many of the enslaved (though but few in comparison with the 
whole number) have become the Lord's freedmen. Let efFotts 
continue to be made, and we may confidently anticipate, in other 
instances, the same blessed result. At present, in consequence of 
the recent excitement producing those infractions of law and 
"those deeds of violence" which we in common with all good cit- 
izens, "greatly disapprove and deplore" — operations of this na- 
ture may be discontinued. But they will ere long, we trust, be 
resumed ; and should our aid be desired, or accepted, in sustain- 
ing missionaries and teachers of approved qualifications and char- 
acter, we will cheerfully render it. We have strong confidence 
in the glorious Gospel of the blessed God. Let it be proclaimed, 
even as the apostles proclaimed it to masters and slaves in the Ro- 
man empire, it will be the means, in our day, of conferring upon 
bond and free tiie glorious liberty of the sons of God. We would 
gladly aid our Christian brethren at the South in every judicious 
and benevolent plan, which they may devise and approve ; and 
though ue may still find reason to mourn that all is not done, 
which we desire, nor all, which in our opinion could be effected, 
and ought to be effected, we will rejoice in, and as far as we are 
able, help onward every effort which promises to lessen the evils 
of the present system. 

With respect to slavery, we utterly "disclaim all right to inter- 
fere with the legal relation of master and slave, except by the ex- 
ercise of a kind moral influence." We freely admit that "the 
general government has not the right of legal interference with 
slavery in the Southern States." We strongly disapprove "an 
angry, supercilious, and censorious manner" of enforcing the 
truth, as being indicative of an unchristian spirit, and as tending 
not to convince and persuade, but to stir up enmity and strife. 
We believe that "in every movement, relating to emancipation, 
the law of love requires us to have respect to the good of the mas- 
ters, as well as to that of the slaves ;" that our "appeals" should 
be addressed, not to the latter, but to to the former : that in 
speaking the truth to the slave holder however plainly and forci- 
bly, we should speak," not in the language of menace and pas- 
sion, but in the spirit of kindness, endeavoring to draw him bjr 
the bands of affection." We do not forget that the merchants 
and mariners, the vessels and the money of New England 
have been concerned in the introduction of slaves ; nor would we 
"attribute our happy deliverance from the curse of slavery to our 
own superior piety and humanity." Far from us be the spirit of 
boasting. Nor would we insist that all the pecuniary loss, which 
might result from the extinction of slavery, should be sustained 
by our fellow citizens at the South. As citizens in New 
England have been sharers in the guilt of procuring slaves for 
the South, and as the law of love requires those of the same com- 



JO 

munity to bear one another's burdens, we are willing to bear our 
proportion of that loss ; and if the Constitution authorize the 
proceeding, would gladly consent to an appropriation of the pub- 
lic revenue for that object. 

But while we admit all this, we do not relinquish the right of 
freely expressing our opinions. As citizens of a free country we 
contend ibr the liberty of speech and of the press. We assert, 
without fear of refutation, that "the right to discuss the subject 
of slavery, or any other subject is a constitutional right, common 
to all the citizens of the United States." It is a right to be ex- 
ercised, but not abused. "It is a right no more to be called, 
in question, than that of breathing the air, or of walking the 
earth." It is enjoined upon us by an authority, paramount to all 
other, to remember them that are in bonds. It is not less our du- 
ty to remember them, that hold them in bondage. As men, as 
Christians, we are debtors to them both ; and we cannot fulfil 
our obligations, without free inquiry and discussion. We fully" 
believe, and we cannot forbear to express our belief, "that slave- 
ry," as it exists in these United States "is a moral and political 
evil" of tne greatest magnitude — a political evil, inasmuch as it 
is grossly inconsistent with the fundamental principles of our re- 
publican government, and is fraught with danger, mischief, and 
ultimate ruin to the communities that cherish it — amoral evil, as 
being "opposed," not only in practice, but "in principle, to our 
holy religion," opposed to that law of God which is written on 
the heart, opposed to the plainest dictates of justice and humanity. 
It cannot be defended from the cliarge of being morally wrong, 
but by maintaining the doctrine, "that man has a moral right to 
hold his fellow man, as an article of property" — to hold human 
beings, as goods and chattels, that may be bought, and sold, and 
treated, with scarcely any exception, as the owner pleases. And 
will any one deny, th;U this doctrine "is inconsistent with the 
spirit of the Gospel"? 

God is no respecter of persons ; He has made of one blood al! 
nations ; and is it credible that He has given to one class of hu- 
man beings such entire control over the bodies and souls of an- 
other class of human beings? Where is the authority for exclu- 
ding the African race from the benefit of the commands, — Thou 
shall love thy neighbor as thyself— and. All things whatsoever 
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them 1 Is 
the master willing to be made a slave ? Would he think it right 
for another human being to hold him, as an article of property? 

We do indeed maintain, "that it is the duty of the slave" — 
not because his fellow man has a right to demand it of him, but 
because God requires it — "to be obedient to his master, to seek 
Ms interest, and quietly to submit to his condition, until released 
by the operation of Christian principles." But we do believe, 
that is the duty of the master to break the bands of wickedness 
and to let the oppressed go free. Is the question proposed when 



n 

shall the bands be loosed I the answer is, so far as they are the 
bands o( wickedness, they should be loosed immediately . So far 
as the master is doing wronij by holding his fellow creatures in 
bondage, from this wrong he ought to cease at once and forever. 
Of this sin, as well as of every other, God now commandeth all 
men every where to repent. Is it wrong to make human beings, 
articles of merchandize ? Let every slave market at once be 
abolished ; and let the traffic in human flesh and blood cease 
forever. Is it wrong to keep back from the laborer the wages 
he has earned? Let the master begin immediately to give to 
his servant that which is just and equal? Is it wrong to shut up 
the human mind in brutal ignorance, to deny it every opportunity 
of intellectual and moral culture, to withhold the privilege of 
reading in a Christian, protestant community, the Word of God? 
Let a system of instruction be immediately commenced, and let 
it be diligently pursued, not merely a system of oral instruction, 
but let the man of color be taught himself to search the Scrip- 
tures, and let every practicable effort be made to develope and 
strengthen his intellectual powers. — Is it wrong to deny the civil 
right of marriage, thus breaking up the dearest relations of life 
and encouraging universal prostitution? Let marriage be protec- 
ted, and let domestic relations be duly respected and guarded. — 
Is it wrong for the slave to be subjected to irresponsible, arbitrary 
power, so that for every offence, real or supposed, he may be 
punished with almost any degree of severity, which the master, 
or his overseer may be pleased to employ, without the possibility 
of redress? Let the full protection of law at once be interposed, 
and let the testimony of men of color be admissible under no 
other restrictions, than are now imposed upon the testimony of 
whites. 

But it may be contended, that after all which is morally wrong 
in the slaveholding system should be abolished, circumstances 
might still require a species of guardianship like that of a wise 
and affectionate father, or master, over his child or apprentice; 
and that to relinquish all direction and control would be an 
abandonment, to beggary and wretchedness, and to habits of vice 
and crime,of those, who in the Providence of God have been placed 
under our care, and for whoss welfare we are sacredly bound to 
provide. If these statements are correct it may be the duty of 
slaveholding communities and individuals, to retain that species 
of guardianship which has been referred to, ''not on the ground 
of right over the slave, but of obligation to him, for the purpose 
of accomplishing a particular and specified good. AnA just so 
far as an individual, in the fear of God, does hold the slave, not 
for the good of the master, but for the good of the slave, with the 
entire and honest intention of accomplishing the object, as soon 
as he can, and of liberating the slave, as soon as the object is ac- 
complished, he is innocent. He then admits the slave to an 
equality of right. fHe does unto another as he would that 



12 

another should do unto him : and thus acting, though in form he 
may hold a fellow creature in bondage, he is in fact innocent of 
the crime of violation of liberty."* 

With these views of the subject, the Union can consistently 
declare, "that the doctrine, that man has a moral right to hold 
property in man, is inconsistent with the spirit of the Gospel," 
and ought of course at once to be renounced, and the practices 
founded upon it, to be at once repented of and forsaken, and yet 
"that slavery" — understood, as including every case, in which 
the legal and nominal relations of master and slave may and do 
exist, and every particular involved in these relations, "ought to 
cease as soon as it can consistently with the benefit of the slave 
and the safety of the master." The time, when every thing in 
slavery, which is in itself and under all circumstances morally 
wrong — wrong in practice and in principle, should cease, and 
when it can cease with safety and benefit to all concerned, is the 
present time. But it may be, that the good of the whole commu- 
nity, including that of the enslaved themselves, does not demand 
the immediate admission of (hose who are now in bondage, to all 
the immunities and privileges of American freemen. After all, 
the object, to be arrived at, is the '[final extinction of slavery when 
it can be effected, with the free will and consent of the slave- 
holder." Until this object is gained, both the master and the 
slave will be exposed to the most serious evils. 

It is no part of the design, with which the Maine Union has 
been formed, to contend with any other association for the bene- 
fit of the colored race. Nor have we adopted a new organiza- 
tion because we wished to satisfy our consciences with a show of 
effect, without any real efliciency. On the contrary, we have 
hoped that we might act to better advantage, and with better ef- 
fect, than we could do in any other connection. 

Though the signs of the times are, in some of them dark and 
discouraging, we do believe that there are strong grounds of hope. 
Often, when a difficult enterprise of a benevolent nature has 
been commenced, and for some time prosecuted, not in the best 
way, an overruling Providence has brought it to a successful is- 
sue. The mistakes which attended the earlier stages of its pro- 
gress, are discovered and corrected ; the zeal, which at first urg- 
ed on the movement with a blind and headlong impetuosity, is 
afterwards regulated and controlled by a more enlightened wis- 
dom, and a s®under discretion. Opposition is made subservient 
to the advancement of truth and justice and right, benevolence 
and humanity obtain, in the event, a glorious triumph. There is 
a Power, unseen but omnipotent, which so moulds and manages, 
so restrains and directs the discordant, jarring elements of this 
world, as ultimately to render truth and goodness victorious over 
all their adversaries. 



*President Wayland. 



13 

We cannot doubt, that our fellow citizens at the South rejoice 
in the progress of free principles, of the spirit of liberty, and an- 
ticipate with delight the subversion of those systems of iron des- 
potism, by which many of the fairest portions of our globe have 
been ior ages oppressed. And shall the African race be forever 
denied the blessing of freedom? Shall our own country be the 
only one, in which no trump of jubilee shall sound, proclaiming 
liberty throughout all the land to all the inhabitants thereof? — 
Shall the black man in America never have the opportunity of 
developing the physical energies, and the intellectual powers, 
which the God of nature has given him — for his own benefit? Is 
it enough, that he be well fed and clothed — that he be conten- 
ted and happy, only in the same way and for the same reasons, 
with the brutes that perish? Is it enough, that instead of being 
enabled to read for himself all that God hath commanded and re- 
vealed in his holy Word, he should receive only those scanty 
measures of Divine truth, which may be dealt out to him by a 
system of oral instruction ? Is it enough, that the kind treatment 
of one sixth of the population of this free country, the protection 
of their domestic relations, their security against the disrupture 
of families, the separation of husband and wife, of parent and 
child, and those opportunities of resting from labor and receiving 
religious instruction upon the Sabbath, should depend upon the 
accident of their having just and benevolent masters? Are the 
laws and the usages of slaveliolding States such, as to satisfy a 
people of generous sentiments, lovers of liberty reverencing the 
authority of God, and believing in the Gospel of his Son? But 
if the present system is manifestly at variance with equal and im- 
partial justice, if it is manifestly injurious both to the master and 
slave, whence the necessity of its continuance ? Is there not 
more of evil to apprehend from its continuance, than from its ab- 
rogation ? The Being who governs the world is slow to anger 
and plenteous in n>ercy ; but will his blessing rest upon a land, in 
which the great principle of doing as we would be done by, is 
systematically violated with respect to millions of its inhabitants? 
Why should it be thought an evil not to be endured, the remain- 
ing of the slaves, when emancipated, among ourselves? Would 
not their services be needed ? Would they not be subject to the 
restraints of law, to the authority of the magistrate ? Would 
they not be grateful for their freedom ? Are they not susceptible 
of improvement? As yet, they have not enjoyed, either at the 
North or South, a fair opportunity of improvement ; and the pres- 
ent condition of those who are free ought not be considered as 
proof, that they would not become valuable members of commu^ 
nity, were all the encouragement and assistance afforded them, 
which an enlightened patriotism and a spirit of enlarged, chris- 
tian philanthropy would dictate. 

For making these suggestions let us not be accused of inter- 
meddling with that which does not belong to us. We are men . 



14 

and we would not be uninterested in any thing which concerns 
the improvement and happiness of our fellow men. We are lov- 
ers of liberty ; and it is our earnest desire, that the blessing, which 
we so highly prize, may be enjoyed by the whole human race. 
The holders of slaves in these United States are our countrymen ; 
we feel ourselves bound by the most sacred obligations to seek 
their deliverance irom an evil, vihich if persisted in, cannot fail 
to be productive of the most disastrous effects. We in New Eng- 
land have been to some extent, partakers of their sin. Many who 
have gone oni from among us, and who cannot with any appear- 
ance of truth speak of slaveholding, as entailed upon them from 
their fathers, have become proprietors of slaves. We have a du- 
ty to perform to them; to our country; to the enslaved, and to 
God. We have taken the Gospel of Jesus Christ as our rule of 
action, and by that we are instructed to pray and labor for the 
introduction of that day, when in Him who came to preach de- 
liverance to the captives and the opening of the prison doors to 
them that are bound, all the families of the earth shall be blessed. 
Most freely do we acknowledge, that to our brethren at the South 
It rightfully belongs to provide for, and to effect the extinction of 
slavery ; and most heartily shall we rejoice in all their wise and 
benevolent plans and efforts for this purpose. But why should they 
be unwilling to listen to suggestions on this sul)ject, if offered in 
the spirit of knidness, from the North 1 Are we not brethren of 
one family, and may we not express an interest in each other's 
welfare? Are we not members of one political body, aTid if one 
member suffer, do not all the members suffer with it ? But though 
we may be considered enemies, when giving the most substantial 
proof of friendship, we must speak, if it be only to clear our own 
consciences from the guilt of tlio-se, who on seeing their neighbor 
in affliction, or danger, pass silently and unfeelingly by upon the 
other side. We do believe, that slavery must come to an end. 
Most earnestly do we desire, that it may cease "with the free 
will and consent of the slaveholder," and under the influence of 
right principle, in the exercise of a right spirit, so as to secure 
th'e gratitude of the emancipated, and the approbation of God. 
We doubt not there are serious difficulties to be encountered. 
But is not the greatest obstacle to be found in the general unwill- 
ingness to make the attempt, or even to give the subject a fair 
examination? Let it be fairly examined, we have full confidence, 
that the wisdom of the South would now devise and accomplish a 
system of emancipation, far more advantageous both to the mas- 
ter and the slave, than is the present system of oppression. E.x- 
perience is worth infinitely more than mere theory , and experi- 
ence has shown, that general emancipation is both practicable 
and safe. It is always practicable, always safe, to do justly and 
to love mercy. Let the slaves be set free, from a conviction of 
duty, from a principle of justice, in the spirit of benevolence, and 
let other measures be adopted, which the same conviction of duty 



15 

and spirit of benevolence would dictate, the darkest cloud that 
now hangs threatening over us would be dispersed; and though 
some evils growing out of the present state of things rni^ght still 
remain, yet under the auspices of that Providence, which favors 
the righteous cause, these evils would gradually disappear ; and 
a condition of society would follow, far more conducive, than that 
which now exists, to the safety, virtue, and happiness ol all. 

The amount of agency which we may he permitted to exert in 
bringing about a 'consummation so devoutly wished,' future time 
must reveal. We shall not obtrude atiy uncourteous and offi- 
cious interference. With the political relations of slavery it is 
no part of our object to intermeddle. Its moral and religious as- 
pects are those in which we, principally, view and lament it. 
The bodily sufferings and civil disabilities of its victims-— allow- 
ing even the most exaggerated descriptions to be just — are but 
as a drop of the bucket, compared with the degradation and ruin 
of the immortal spirit. It is this which should call forth our dee- 
pest commiseration, and awaken our strongest and most efficient 
sympathies. With such a field for Christian chairity and efTort 
open before us, and ample enough to exhaust our utmost energies, 
we may well be thankful that we are excluded by compact and 
by choice, from "jiolitical action," and are "shut up" to the use 
of these weapons only, which "are not carnal but spiritual, and 
mighty through God, to the pulling down of strong holds." We 
have unwavering confidence in the gospel, as a remedy for all the 
evils which afflict and disgrace our country, and our world, — 
Under its meliorating influence, we shall see the chains of servi- 
tude melted away, the asperities of the human character softened, 
its contaminations purified, its pride humbled, its lowliness raised, 
and fraternal love "catching from heart to heart" — 

"Tillpverj' man in cverv f'aco, 
Beholds a brother and a friend." 

A correspondence has already been comiucncr.d with gentle- 
men at the South, which it is proposed to continue and extend, 
with a view to ascertain whether, when, where, and in what ways, 
they can employ our instrumentality and aid in diffusing and 
giving efficacy to the principles of she gospel in that region of 
our country ; and we cannot doubt that our fellow citizens and 
fellow Christians of Maine will hold themselves ready, with their 
ofTerings and personal services, to enter as soon as the door shall 
be open. 

In the mean time, our more immediate duty lies nearer home. 
Numbers of the colored race are dispersed among ourselves, who 
need our kind attentions and Christian oflices. We shall gain 
little credit in the South, for sincerity in our professions of sym- 
pathy for colored men, while those among ourselves are neglected, 
left in ignorance and degradation, and, consequently, despised. 
It is essential to the full moral effect of our opinions upon slave- 
holders, that we "show our faith by our works ;" that we eetab- 



10 

lish the credibility of our j)rofessions by a corresponding practice. 
The instruction and elevation of the colored people among our- 
selves, is, also, an undertaking which, for its own sake, and in- 
dependently of its auspicious influence on others abroad, is worthy 
t) be commenced without further delay, and prosecuted with 
73al and perseverance to any desirable extent- 

But in order that our plans may be wisely arranged and judi- 
ciously directed, so as to eflect the greatest good with a given 
amount of means, further information is needed respecting the 
number and condition of the colored people in our State ; and 
the Executive Committee earnestly request gentlemen in all the 
towns, to which this circular is sent, to prepare answers to the 
followmg questions, and forward them, as soon as may be, to the 
corresponding Secretary. 

What is the number of colored people in your town ? 

What are their employments ? Please state whether any are 
landhola'ers, master-mechanics, &c — how many are day-laborers, 
seamen, &c — how many have no settled employment. 

What are their general habits and condition? 

What 13 their moral character ? what their condition as to do- 
mestic comfort 1 Temperance ? 

What proportion aj)pear to be pious? 

What is their standing, as to intelligence, compared with their 
white neighbors? 

Do their chddren and youth attend your district schools? and 
if so, in what proportiou compared with white children? If they 
do not attend, to what cause or causes is it owing — to disinclina- 
tion, poverty, the dread of ill-treatment, or any other? 

Do they attend public worship with any denomination of Chris- 
tians ? if not, is any pains taken to induce them to attend? Is 
their number, or are their circumstances such as to justify the es- 
tablishment of separate worship for tlieir benefit ? 

Are there among them any youths of suitable character and 
talents to be educated with a view to their future employment as 
teachers or ministers of the gospel ? 

Is there any thing in the by-laws of the nearest Academy or 
High School, to prevent colored youth from enjoying its privileg- 
es? — or in the prejudices of its Overseers, patrons, or pupils, to 
render the situation of colored youth unpleasant? 

Is it, in your opinion, desirable to institute a High School, or 
Manual-Labor, or other Seminary, exclusively for colored youths ? 

What other information or suggestion can you impart, not com- 
prised in the foregoing questions? 



■ LEJa'l2 



